Wednesday, 17 August 2016


"The big tycoons lurk indeed as the ultimate driving force behind world-encompassing Anglo-American imperialism; nothing else. The great money-powers indeed financed the terrifying mass-homicides of the World War. The great money-powers have indeed, as owners of all great newspapers, woven the world into a web of lies. They have with satisfaction whipped up all lower passions, have diligently fostered the growth of present tendencies…" Gottfried Feder
Reading Martin Gilbert’s Churchill and the Jews: A Lifelong Friendship brought to mind that infamous article which Winston Churchill wrote in 1920, for a popular British Sunday newspaper, the Illustrated Sunday Herald, entitled "Zionism versus Bolshevism: A Struggle for the Soul of the Jewish People." Gilbert devotes a small chapter to the essay, provoking me to write my objections to Churchill's very biased argumentation in favour of Zionism.

Although there is some speculation as to whether Churchill was Jewish or part-Jewish himself—from his American mother—this is not overly relevant, as, by chapter four, Gilbert has already established Churchill's tangled social and financial links to elite British Jews, stretching back to his father Lord Randolph Churchill, the Duke of Marlborough, who cultivated these relationships and passed them on to his son.

Winston was lavished with fine gifts by these Jews. For example, when he went to South Africa as a war correspondent during the Boer War (1899-1902), "Lord Rothschild gave him £150 and Cassel gave him £100: a total sum that was the annual income for many middle-class families" (Gilbert, p. 4) for his kit and provisions. Later, when Churchill wed, Cassel gave him the equivalent of $40,000 (in current values) as a gift. In 1906 Churchill spent the summer travelling Europe:
"His three hosts, Sir Ernest Cassel at Villa Cassel in the Swiss Alps, Lionel Rothschild driving in Italy, and Baron de Forest at Castle Eichstatt in Moravia, were all Jews." (p. 13). 
Churchill patron: Lionel Rothschild
Politically Churchill's advocacy of Jewish interests began in 1904, when the Conservative Member of Parliament decided to change alliances to run on a Liberal ticket for Manchester North-West, "where a third of the electorate was Jewish." (p. 7) In this Churchill was groomed for the specific function of being the gentile figurehead opposing the then Conservative government’s Aliens Bill, which was "aimed at curbing the influx of Jewish immigrants from Tsarist Russia." (p. 7) Churchill criticised the Bill as an "appeal to insular prejudice against foreigners, to racial prejudice against Jews, and to labour prejudice against competition." Churchill and the Jews were initially successful but a similar bill later passed.

Following this, Churchill was soon speaking in support of the Jewish Hospital Fund in Manchester, eulogising the Jewish spirit of tribalism in terms of "race and faith," adding the advice that they "be good Jews." (p. 15) A 'good Jew' presumably meant one who contributed to Churchill’s coffers.

In these two cases, we see Churchill criticising his own people for having 'prejudice' against foreigners, lambasting them for a legitimate fear of clannish competition, while shortly after, he lauds the Jews for their community spirit, possessed by the "guiding principle" of "their race and of their faith"—a clear double standard! If this consciousness of 'race and faith' arose amongst gentiles, Churchill would no doubt have declared such 'provincial' attitudes un-English, but amongst the Jews it was a cause of celebration, especially with regard to the idea of a Jewish homeland:
"The restoration to them of a centre of true racial and political integrity would be a tremendous event in the history of the world." (p. 18
One wonders how Churchill would have reacted to the demographic transformation of London into a multiracial zoo with no racial and political integrity, but one only needs to look to David Cameron—with his offshore accounts, policies of multiculturalism and mass immigration, and support for EU Federalism—to understand that Churchill is neither unique nor an abnormality in terms of ethno betrayal, personal opportunism and excessive philosemitism. Churchill stands out only as the prototype and best champion of the class of political Shabbos goy.

Cartoon lamenting the 1911 Welsh Pogrom
In 1911, when Churchill became Home Secretary, "Britain’s only pogrom" occurred in South Wales, with Welsh miners attacking Jewish businesses and property. Churchill promptly dispatched the army to quell the blue-collar, anti-Semitic revolt, winning for himself high praise amongst the Jewish community in Britain.

At the start of WWI Churchill intervened to help naturalise the son of the Austrian Zionist Theodor Herzl. During the war, as First Lord of the Admiralty, in charge of the navy, he  recruited the Zionist, and future first President of Israel, Chaim Weizmann, as a chemical engineer to synthetically produce acetone, a solvent for naval explosives.

Significantly, Churchill was also the most prominent advocate in the British government for diverting men, ships, and materials to attack the Ottoman Empire, resulting in the ill-fated Gallipoli expedition. Gilbert alludes to Churchill’s ulterior motives in doing this, as it would help secure Palestine for Churchill's Zionist friends. Arthur Balfour’s letter to the 2nd Baron Rothschild, "The Balfour Declaration," confirmed the British government’s commitment to gifting the Jewish people another people's homeland in exchange for their continued commitment to the British war effort, which included canvassing for American involvement in the war.

The Creel Committee, the advertising team that sold the American public the idea of entering the war on Britain's behalf, despite the fact that Wilson won re-election on an anti-interventionist, “Peace without victory" ticket, certainly had its Jewish and Zionist elements. Certainty Jewish pressure mounted to get America involved. In the run-up to the American declaration of war in 1917, the Jewish financier Bernard Baruch left Wall Street to advise President Wilson on national defence, and, once war was declared, he was appointed Chairman of the War Industries Board in Wilson’s administration. Also, Sigmund Freud’s nephew Edward Bernays famously partook in the propaganda campaign to steer American involvement.

With the incentive of a Jewish homeland, international Jewry, Zionists, and those sympathetic to the cause, rallied to the Entente’s side. The German defeat was attributable, in large measure, to economic warfare. Historians—Allied, German, Nazi, and even recent Rothschild biographer Niall Ferguson—have at least somewhat endorsed the "stab in the back myth." The fact that it is referred to as a 'myth' rather than a 'theory,' should be more than enough to raise questions of historical gatekeeping. Why 'denial' rather than 'revision'?

America's international financial oligarchy, the "Big Yids," as Ezra Pound termed them, were already sided with the international financial oligarchy of the British Empire. The war already offered financial rewards in terms of speculation and the transfer of territories and resources, but the promise of a Jewish homeland held even greater sentimental, psychological, and tribal significance for the Jewish Diaspora. The alliance between Germany and the Ottoman Empire, therefore, may well have been the factor that proved fatal to the German Reich.

National Socialist economist, Gottfried Feder
The stab-in-the-back "myth" attests that Germany was betrayed in WWI internally by a cohort of Jews, republicans, and communists. Defeat culminated in civil war, the collapse of the autocratic government, and increased civil rights for Jews. Speciously missing from the historical record, as far as I know, is a well-researched account of economic warfare against the German Empire. The trade embargo is well known and expected, but missing is a history of war credit and bonds to Germany. Did credit dry up in lieu of increasing Jewish support for the Anglo-American powers? One inferred indication of this was the publication of German economist Gottfried Feder's Manifesto for the Abolition of Interest Slavery (1919). Feder, who was one of the founders of the National Socialist German Workers' Party, argued against "Mammonism" and framed the war in Evolian terms, speaking of a greater metaphysical struggle between ways of life:
"The World War is at its inmost core one of the biggest decisions in the evolutionary process of humanity in the struggle to decide whether in the future the Mammonistic-materialistic worldview or the socialistic-aristocratic worldview should determine the fate of the world."

The Deuteronomic Double Standard

Clearly Churchill benefited greatly, financially and personally, from his relationships with wealthy Jews. This, combined with his unparalleled spearheading of Jewish political causes, can only lead to one conclusion, namely that Churchill was a political opportunist and gun for hire of Mammonism. In fact, Churchill's very first platform as a junior Conservative minister was to protest against pogroms in Russia. His extreme concern with Jewish issues seems almost pathological, unless one accounts for the lining of his pockets.

The principal concept that must be imparted and understood with regard to the consciousness of Jews and their gentile apologists is the concept of a Jewish double standard, in effect giving them special status above the law. The concept of a Jewish double standard, found in the Torah, (Leviticus 25:37), corresponds to what Benjamin Nelson has labelled the Deuteronomic Double Standard. This allows Jews, specifically in relation to usury, to treat fellow Jews better than non-Jews. This is analogous to the distinction of brother vs. other, or, as Carl Schmitt put it, a well-defined "friend/ enemy" distinction.

Churchill grants Jews such a double standard, as can be observed in his famous article, "Zionism versus Bolshevism: A Struggle for the Soul of the Jewish People." In that article, after first defining Bolshevism as a "Jewish movement," Churchill then philosophises on the dual nature of the Jews as producing Christianity, to which he accredits "the whole of our existing civilisation," while also producing the "anti-Christ" of Bolshevism:
"As if the gospel of Christ and the gospel of the Antichrist were destined to originate among the same people." 
Conveniently, Churchill disregards two essential truths. Firstly, Christianity, with its universalist principles, is the antithesis of Judaism, and secondly, there is the fundamental problem that Jews reject Christ. According to Christian logic, Judaism, with its double standards of tribalism, is effectively the Antichrist itself.

Churchill then pleas for individual rights for what is in effect a collectivist entity, ignoring the fact of Jewish tribalism:
"...his right to be judged on his personal merits and conduct." 
He underlines this contradiction by lauding the Jews, who:
"...dwelling in every country throughout the world, identify themselves with that country… I am an Englishman practising the Jewish faith."
Again Churchill ignores the inherent tribalism of Judaism, as if the Jewish faith was just another Christian variation which owing to liberalism must be tolerated.

Antisemitism, in its essence, is the refusal to apply individualist
standards to what is in fact a collectivist tribal entity.

Next are the 'bad Jews'—the "International Jews"—who embrace Bolshevism and revolution. Churchill says most, if not all of them, have forsaken the faith of their forefathers, and divorced from their minds all spiritual hopes of a next world. However, here Churchill’s argument rests on either ignorance or wilful deception. As Emile Durkheim noted in his famed study Suicide, Jews have lower rates of suicide than both Catholics and Protestants. Thus is not due to a lack of faith in an afterlife, but rather because their religion is a "society"—a collective. Durkheim’s hypothesis is that suicide would be highest among single, Protestant men because these groups are less integrated & less regulated. The afterlife and the belief in the immortal soul are not features of the Jewish religion.

Churchill than lists a long account of the Bolshevik Jews:
"With the notable exception of Lenin, the majority of the leading figures are Jews." 
But, as Gilbert writes, "Neither Churchill nor his colleagues, nor the Jews, knew that Lenin's paternal grandfather was a Jew." Churchill also contradicts his earlier claim about the Bolshevik Jews abandoning the faith of their forefathers, when he notes:
" many cases Jewish interests and Jewish places of worship are excepted by the Bolsheviks from their universal hostility."
The next section is a public declaration in favour of Zionism:
"Zionism offers a third sphere to the political conceptions of the Jewish race… to have the opportunity and the responsibility of securing for the Jewish race all over the world a home and a centre of national life."
This begs the question why, if the Jews are given a home, must they remain in everyone else's lands? Why do they get their cake and eat it too?

Churchill answers that next, saying that the size of Palestine cannot accommodate more than a few million Jews, but that the growth of such a state would be beneficial to the British Empire. Curiously, the Empire today has fallen and Israel continues to grow. Furthermore after the 'good national Jew' has his own homeland, what keeps him loyal and patriotic to his adoptive land if he first identifies as a Jew? "Dress British, think Yiddish," as the proverb runs. Churchill praises Zionism in precisely these terms, because it would complicate or undermine Jewish loyalty to British interests:
"A Jewish national centre in Palestine… will also be a symbol of Jewish unity and the temple of Jewish glory." 
What would Churchill think of a symbol of Gentile unity and a temple of Gentile glory?

"Never has so much been owed by so many to so few", yeh.

Related articles:

Bombing Germany, Russia, and America in One Night
Winston the White Nationalist


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