Monday, 19 May 2014


In the local and European elections later this week, it is estimated that nationalist and patriotic parties in the UK will field a total of 2,570 candidates; 289 in the European elections; and 2,281 in local elections. In many of these elections, these candidates are standing unopposed by any other nationalist or patriotic candidates, but all too often, particularly in the European elections and also in local elections in wards that have traditionally produced much support for nationalist candidates, there are nationalist and patriotic candidates standing in opposition to each other, thereby making it inevitable that the nationalist and patriotic vote will be split, minimising the possibility of electoral success.

Furthermore, this deplorable situation is made all the more tragic when one considers that to all intents and purposes, their policy schedules and offerings to the public are almost identical in every case.

Because of their high media profile and their, albeit ostensibly reluctant support by the media, UKIP are in a stronger position to win seats than any of the other nationalist or patriotic parties, and they undoubtedly will do well, clocking up a record number of victories and annihilating their nationalist and patriotic competitors.

Other than UKIP, I do not expect that any other nationalist or patriotic candidates will get elected and most notably, while Andrew Brons is not competing for re-election this year, I expect that Nick Griffin will fail to scale the minimum threshold necessary to retain his European Parliamentary seat.

So what are we to make of all this?

Firstly, while UKIP is not a nationalist party, but a populist reactionary conservative party with a clearly multi-racial, albeit non-PC ideological position, the electoral success they are almost certain too enjoy should be a source of comfort to most nationalists. The reason for this is that while the party leadership position is as I have described, many of the party’s members and candidates are in fact very nationalistic in their beliefs. Furthermore, UKIP's electoral success pries voters away from the mainstream establishment parties and in so doing, radicalises voter thinking to some extent, making it more likely that they will support a genuine nationalist party at some future date.

Truth be told, regardless of how we might feel personally about UKIP, its members as a whole, or Nigel Farage as an individual, we can’t do much about their popularity in the polls at present and so we might as well seek to benefit from the positives that can be found and this leads us to question why the other nationalist and patriotic parties are even bothering to field candidates against UKIP, especially in the European elections?

We can’t do anything to affect the eclipse of other nationalist and patriotic parties by UKIP, because we lack the wherewithal to compete with them at the same level on the national stage. We lack the Six Prerequisites.

However, if we were to cease giving in to the manic compulsion to stand candidates in the forlorn hope of getting elected, and looked at our opportunities from a different perspective, we would see that there is much to be gained by adopting a different strategy.

If we were to form a broadly patriotic front from all the nationalist and patriotic parties taking part in these elections, we could for one thing save the costs involved in taking part and apply the money saved to some project of lasting value.

Of the candidate totals quoted above, the non-UKIP candidates total 218 standing in European elections and 452 standing in local elections.

From my time in the BNP I know that it costs around £5,000 per candidate to stand in the European elections and around £250 per candidate in local elections. Therefore the cost of fielding those candidates in terms of capital outlay alone, ((218 x £5,000)+(452 x £250)) equates to just over £1.2 million.

Let us now consider the hours that were spent by the various candidates and their campaign teams, leafleting and canvassing and taking part in other fund raising and promotional activities:

To leaflet an average local election ward once, takes approximately 60 man-hours. Therefore, even if all of those local wards were only leafleted once, and that each candidate and a campaign team of just four people spent just ten hours each ward canvassing, that means a total of (452 x (60+40)) or 45,200 man-hours were wasted, and based upon the national minimum wage of £6.31, this means that in the time wasted, the individuals concerned could have earned themselves an additional £285,212, or £427,818 at time and a half for overtime.

The true cost of all this wasted effort is therefore approximately £1.6 million, and immediately we begin to think what else could have been purchased with that money, we begin to realise the folly of nationalism’s hitherto obsession with futile electioneering.

That amount of money could have bought an entire village in some parts of the north of England where starter homes still sell for as little as £25,000, and instantly the nationalist movement could have had the makings of a show-piece White nationalist community with which to inspire our people. Alternatively, we could have bought every third house in three such villages and established three White enclaves.

With £1.6 million we could have bought several hundred acres of farmland, or we could have commissioned the building of a substantial training and administrative centre for the nationalist movement, or equipped a state of the art media centre.

If the leaders of all the nationalist micro-parties, whose policy schedules are to all intents and purposes fundamentally identical, were able to bring their parties together and started to place the interests of nationalism ahead of their own ambitions and their own personal vanity, we could within a decade have a movement capable of mounting a serious challenge to the current corrupt regime.

Instead, it is as though we dug a large pit, filled it with money and burned it. And we wonder why nationalism has struggled all these years?

The bonfire of the vanities, indeed!

Originally published at Western Spring.

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