Thursday, 28 August 2014


After plenty of booze, skag, and beatings these men start to resemble the members of One Direction

The latest case to emerge of sexual grooming and abuse by Pakistani gangs committed against English children in the Northern town of Rotherham has finally pushed the issue to national breakthrough and media saturation level, but in essence this is nothing new. It is only the magnitude – 1,400 victims (conservative estimate) in a town of a quarter of a million over 16 years – that is different.

It is a horrifying thought, but if the entire UK were like Rotherham, we could project a national total of 336,000 child sex abuse victims. Thankfully, not the whole of the country is cursed with Pakistani immigrant communities.

But as big and newsworthy as this case is, it is just the same old story of ethnic crimes and misdemeanours being green lighted, downplayed, or soft pedalled for fears of someone being called a "racist" somewhere, sometime.

The template for the particular combination of leniency and denial that British authorities demonstrate towards ethnic crime has its roots in the Stephen Lawrence case of 1993. Lawrence, was a young Black man who was stabbed to death while reportedly waiting for a bus in a part of London that was considered by some of the locals as "off limits" to Blacks. This was the same part of London, by the way, that reacted to the Black-led London riots of 2011 by organizing vigilante demonstrations.

Following Lawrence's killing, five suspects were arrested, but none were convicted due to a lack of evidence. In 2012, two of the five were finally sent to jail after double jeopardy laws were revoked by Parliament. But rather than the long, drawn-out process to jail those accused, the case was most noticeable for the way it was used as a political sledgehammer to force through radical reform of the police and other institutions that were described as being "institutionally racist."

A key point of the Lawrence case is that it happened fourteen years into an eighteen-year period of Conservative rule (1979-1997). The Conservative Party at that time was a party that was very unpopular with Blacks and other ethnic minorities. This was because it was associated with White middle class voters, claimed to be strong on law and order, and was supposedly unsympathetic to welfare and "affirmative action" policies, although it was often forced by this perception to be the opposite.

An important concept to bear in mind here is not multiculturalism in itself, but rather "asymmetric multiculturalism," when a multicultural state is composed of two or more groups where one of them is markedly and inherently inferior by an important metric, such as productivity, IQ, cultural contribution, criminality, or even sexual attractiveness. This inevitably creates feelings of inferiority, alienation, and division, especially in the supposedly egalitarian state. The modern multicultural state then instinctively acts to counter this natural inequality with leniency, "affirmative" action, thought crime laws, and effectively anti-White racism.

During the 1980s there was a fear in Thatcherite Britain that Blacks, especially in London, were not only being "economically excluded" but also emotionally alienated from the wider society. As proof of this the 1980s saw frequent riots in Black areas like Brixton and Toxteth.

At the heart of these disturbances was Black dissatisfaction at policing methods, which they felt unfairly targeted them, even though such profiling was due to the much higher rates of social dysfunction, drug abuse, and crime typical of young men of Afro-Caribbean origin, rather than the fact they were non-White as other non-White groups with low crime rates were not similarly targeted.

Rioting against "racism" by committing...erm...racism.

Going along with this reality, there was naturally an entrenched attitude among police officers that Blacks should be policed more intensely than other demographics. This found expression on the ground in stop-and-search tactics targeting young, Black males who dressed and behaved in ways suggesting an affinity with drug and gang subcultures.

Another aspect of this was the belief among police that young Black males, who themselves became victims of crime, like Stephen Lawrence, were not always entirely innocent. This is exactly the same attitude – but much more justified – that social workers, police, and child protection authorities in Rotherham had towards the young female victims of Pakistani sex gangs.

Such attitudes by police towards young Black males reflect the sensible, "tactical" thinking of police functionaries, and such views were repeatedly borne out by their experience. But politicians were more wary of the "strategic" consequences of this attitude, as the inevitable resentment it brewed fed through to the wider Black community, and raised fears of Blacks becoming increasingly disconnected from society. This fear, which was widespread during the years of Conservative rule (1979-1997), followed through into the period of Labour rule, and continues today.

With the landslide election success of Tony Blair's New labour in 1997 and 2001, the political will to implement a much more radical approach to the Black problem was created. The first big step was to commission a government inquiry into the Lawrence case, chaired by Sir William Macpherson.

The resulting report, published in 1999, highlighted instances of police neglect and incompetence in the Lawrence investigation, but, much more significantly, it made wider points, claiming that there was a culture of "institutional racism" in British police forces in general that needed to be tackled.

PC PC: Sir Ian Blair
This led to an effective cultural coup d'etat in Britain's police forces, as a new regime of political correctness was introduced, with campaigns to stamp out "racism," "sensitivity training" for experienced officers, and the elevation of those officers who were seen as holding the right PC credentials, like Sir Ian Blair, who was selected as Commissioner of the London Metropolitan Police in 2005.

Efforts were also made to greatly expand the number of ethnic minorities in the police. In this increasingly diverse workplace, officers who made comments that could be construed as "racist" or "politically incorrect" were demoted, dismissed, or simply denied promotion.

In terms of actual policing, many of the same methods were retained. Police forces continued to profile Blacks and concentrate on high crime areas, but there was a complete change in presentation and the internal culture of the police forces. For example, the London Metropolitan Police's Operation Trident, set up to target Black crime gangs in London, was given the misleading slogan: "targeting gun crime."

These efforts to give the British police a more PC image also took place at a time when the policing powers of the state were being increased due to the aftermath of the terrorist attacks of September 11th, 2001, and the July 7th, 2005, terrorist attacks in London. There was an obvious synergy between these two movements. With terrorism from British Muslims becoming a threat, alongside endemic crime from British Blacks, there was increasing pressure to offset the need for strong policing against these communities – and the resulting alienation – with greater leniency and political correctness elsewhere.

This led to police forces taking a more hands-off approach to certain aspects of ethnic crime, especially when it was something related to an ethnic community's cultural practices, identity, or social organization. Things like forced marriages, genital mutilation, Islamic hate preaching, voter and social security fraud, and low-grade substance abuse were downplayed or dealt with through community liaison, or simply turned a blind eye to.

A sign of the times.
This was, in short, the Stephen Lawrence Effect, exactly the same factor that allowed Pakistani sex gangs to run rampant through the vulnerable youth of several English towns, without being challenged, except by the likes of the BNP, until they reached the point where they became impossible to hide. But this still doesn't make earlier instances of neglect any more understandable.

The report into sexual grooming by Rotherham Borough Council found that:

"Several staff described their nervousness about identifying the ethnic origins of perpetrators for fear of being thought racist; others remembered clear direction from their managers not to do so."

The report also mentioned that police and local authorities ignored, disbelieved, and "effectively suppressed" evidence of abuse.

Typically, populations of South Asians in the UK, including Hindus and Sikh, tend to congregate in certain areas and then serve as unified and powerful voting blocs for the Labour Party, and occasionally the LibDems, in constituencies and local authorities.

This gives them enormous influence and power that atomized White voters don't enjoy. The benefits include the appointment of people of Asian origin to Labour Party and council positions that they are often unqualified for, the targeting of spending to benefit the ethnic group involved, and a loosening of standards that involve treating the ethnic group in question with kid gloves. This can range from failure to impose proper health and hygiene standards on local restaurants to more serious matters. While all ethnic minorities benefit to some degree from this system, no group has abused it quite as grotesquely as the Pakistanis.

The sad truth is that the multicultural state, in its desperation to include and harmonize all the different elements from which it seeks to compose itself, has created a poisonous culture of "anti-racism" that creates the space for such evil to flourish and go unchallenged in the name of community cohesion." This is because challenging such practices invariably reveals the existence of glaring and largely ineradicable racial differences that undermine the "blank slate" premises of the multicultural state.

True as it is, the fact that Pakistani males have a far greater tendency towards interracial grooming and child rape is not one that the UK is yet ready to fully accept and act upon, despite the Rotherham case. What we are likely to see over the following weeks is merely new forms of denial, along with a variety of ineffectual cosmetic measures that will play well to the media. This may involve yet another enlargement of the nanny state and more efforts to liaise with community leaders. Improving public morals, imposing draconian sentences, and clearly profiling the danger group, however, will not be on the menu.

The Rotherham case is mainly significant because it gives a clear number that can be used to quantify the abhorrent costs of multiculturalism – in one town alone 1,400 child victims! If the nationalists can't make progress with this kind of stat, they aren't really trying.

No comments:

Post a Comment


by Richard Wolstencroft The date was December 4th, 2017. Milo Yiannopoulis rode into my home town of Melbourne on his Sedan chair to...