If you think all police are "fascists," then, yes, it was a battle against "Fascism."
by Kevin Scott

The liberals and the far-left are getting themselves very excited about the eightieth anniversary of the so-called 'Battle of Cable Street', which happened on the 4th of October, 1936, on the streets of east London.

On the 9th of October, later this month, the Muslim mayor of London, Sadiq Khan, and the Labour leader, Jeremy Corbyn, will both speak at a rally hosted by the London Jewish Forum, also attended by the chief rabbi, Ephraim Mirvis, to commemorate the event.

According to their false narrative, a spontaneous alliance of Jews, Communists and 'anti-fascist' working class east Londoners combined to stop Sir Oswald Mosley's British Union of Fascists (BUF) marching across multicultural east London, thanks to a massive demonstration involving tens of thousands of protesters, who later clashed with over six thousand police officers, some of them on horseback, thereby ending the political appeal of the ex-Labour MP's Blackshirt movement.

In reality, the 'anti-fascist' riot was organised by immigrant Jewish gangsters, led by the notorious Jack Spot, and Jewish elements in the Communist party, many of them bused in for the day to fight with the police. And Mosley himself agreed with the police to march the three thousand BUF supporters away from the barricades erected in the area around Cable Street by Jewish criminal elements in order to stop the totally legal and law-abiding Blackshirt march.

The only clash reported between BUF supporters and the far-left alien mob occurred when the real hero of Cable Street, the Newcastle-born activist Tommy Moran, was attacked while leading a small group of Geordie Blackshirts to a rendezvous point before the planned march. Despite knocking out about a dozen of the mob, with some of the fighting captured by a newsreel camera, Moran was eventually floored by a chair wrapped in barbed wire hitting the back of his head, an injury which required medical treatment, another incident captured by the cameras. And in the newsreel report later broadcast, the commentary declared: "Communists, Labourites and Jews jam the fascist route, resisting the peaceful efforts of the outnumbered police to clear the way," showing young Jewish men clenching their fists in the communist salute and chanting "One, two, three, four, five - we want Mosley, dead or alive".

Tommy Moran, one-man army.
However, in the weeks that followed the battle, the BUF organised numerous events across east London, with over twelve thousand 'manifestly pro-fascist' local people hearing Mosley speak at one meeting in Bethnal Green on the 11th of October, a week after the battle, before leading a march to Limehouse, with local people leaning out of their downstairs windows trying to shake his hand, while shouting "Good old Mosley!" And in the London County Councils held in March 1937, the BUF candidates polled around 20% of the vote in three east London constituencies, albeit on a restricted local government franchise.

In response to the 'anti-fascist' violence, the political establishment took advantage of the situation and quickly passed the Public Order Act, which outlawed political uniforms, restricted what could be said at political meetings, and gave the Home Secretary the power to ban marches, although they claimed at the time that the legislation was not directly aimed at the BUF.

'Hurrah for the Blackshirts'

And according to the left-wing author, Stephen Dorril, in his book about Sir Oswald Mosley and British Fascism, called Blackshirt:
"Part of the Cable Street mythology is that it 'effectively checked Mosley's campaign in east London'. The police, in fact, argued it threw 'out of perspective the events of the month as a whole'. The BUF was 'steadily gaining ground' in Stepney, Bow, Shoreditch, Bethnal Green and Hackney. 'A definite pro-fascist feeling has manifested itself throughout the districts mentioned, and the alleged Fascist defeat is in reality a Fascist advance.' In the following week, Mosley addressed a series of successful meetings in Stepney, Shoreditch, Bethnal Green and Stoke Newington, without any interference, in front of 'manifestly pro-fascist' working class audiences. Police said the BUF's London membership had 'increased by 2,000'."
In his book about British Fascism, Hurrah for the Blackshirts, the former Newcastle University academic, Martin Pugh, concludes his account of the battle:
"In this way Cable Street went down in history as a decisive check to fascism. In reality it was nothing of the sort. Almost all the fighting took place between the police and anti-fascist demonstrators. More importantly, Cable Street did nothing to dampen anti-Semitic agitation in the East End."
Back in the thirties, thanks to mass immigration mainly from eastern Europe, the population in the area around Cable Street was more than 50% Jewish. In the post-war years, the Jews largely moved north, into Hackney, Stamford Hill and Golders Green, and very few Jews remain living in the area. Today, more than half the population of the London Borough of Tower Hamlets, where Cable Street is situated, is either black or other ethnic minority, with 32% of Bangladeshi Muslim origin, some of whom are even more anti-Jewish than the original native inhabitants of the old East End. And according to the 2011 census, white English/British residents form only 30% of the local population, against 80% nationally.

The shape of things to come?

Mosley had strong popularity among White working-class Londoners.

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Originally published at Civil Liberty


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